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Abstract
Research
on personality as a useful construct to understand people's
behavior in conflict situations was traced over more than fifty
years, and an attempt was made to add neurobiological parameters
to psycho-socio-culturel approaches. As a starting point, scientists
in exile have been called to mind who had been expelled from
Nazi Germany for their Jewish origins. Among them were Adorno
and Frenkel-Brunswik who's extensive studies on the authoritarian
personality structure were quoted. In their work, personality
was defined as a more or less enduring organisation of forces
within the individual helping to determine responses in various
situations, which is responsible for consistency in behavior.
As a next step, Cloninger's psychobiology of personality traits
was presented. In his personality concept, four temperamental
traits (novelty seeking, harm avoidance, reward dependency and
persistence) and three character dimensions are included. Temperamental
traits are heritable, developmentally stable, emotionally based,
uninfluenced by social learning, and linked to specific brain
biological features. The temperaments have a certain neuroendocrinological
feature which can be determined. Character dimensions develop
in a stagelike process from infancy to adulthood and are influenced
by temperament, social learning, genetic factors, and random
life events. Personality is still considered a useful theoretical
approach to conflict management research and practice. A neurobiological
point of view seems to be a useful supplementation in addition
to traditional psycho-socio-cultural approaches. Measuring biological
compounds can supply the conflict manager with an additional
tool of knowledge enhancing the ability to understand and anticipate
conflict behavior.
Nichts anderes ist jeder Gedanke
Als das Aufgehen fremder Samen
(Ingeborg
Bachmann: Das dreißigste Jahr)
Introduction
The
necessity to deal with conflicts in everyday situations as well
as in times of great strain is as normal and ordinary in our
lives as is cultivating friendly relationships with others.
The ability, however, to react adequately in conflict situations
may depend, in addition to learning and experiences, on neuroendocrinological
properties that seem to be part of one's character and temperament
[1].
Recently, Klein und Fedor-Freybergh [2] have summarized the
up-to-date complex approach to study human behavior. Adequate
understanding of all behavioral mechanisms and their failures
is, they have argued, conditio sine qua non for the most important
task the prediction of actual behavior resulting from different
bio-psycho-socio-cultural sources. They have argued that the
wide range of world problems such as wars, criminality, social
deprivation, famine, and different catastrophes are transferable
into one common denominator:
the failure of man in his behavior.
Such a catastrophe coming from the failure of man in his behavior
in conflict situations in our German recent history and the
memory of the disaster lead to establishing the Center for Conflict
Management at the University of Tuebingen. It was suggested
by Miriam Lewin who is the daughter of the well known social
psychologist Kurt Lewin (1890 1947). Kurt Lewin was one of so
many European inhabitants of Jewish origin, among them many
scientists, who were declared for undesirable members of their
societies by Nazi regime and were at best exiled. Lewin left
Germany in 1933, and he was lucky (and young) enough to start
a new career in the United States. In his action research, he
created a basic ground for conflict management and resolution
on which present interventional methods still rely [3, 4].
Though our Center for Conflict Management works, above all,
in the tradition of social scientists and arts scholars, we
are aware of the (neuro)bio-aspect of bio-psycho-socio-cultural
sources of conflict behavior. In the present article, an attempt
will be made to trace aspects of early research on conflict
management from a sociological and psycho-analytical point of
view to a bio-psycho-socio-cultural approach of to-day. To this
end, I will refer to results of studies on the authoritarian
personality structure undertaken by scientists who had just
escaped from Nazi Germany.
Many of those who had experienced the catastrophe in Nazi Germany
tried to cope with what had happened to them not only in their
private but also in their professional lives. At that time,
some of those concerned were already Nobel Prize winners while
others had just started their careers. Deportation chosen by
the Hitler regime hit all of them hard. Only some of them had
the opportunity in exile to continue their work successfully.
I will give only a few examples: Out of the many affected Nobel
Prize winners, let me remind of two celebrities who have contributed
to progress in our ability to investigate the (neuro)biological
part of bio-psycho-socio-cultural sources of behavior, and of
one celebrity who was involved in peace keeping activities during
and after world war two.
The first Nobel laureate to remind of is the physiologist Otto
Loewi (*Frankfurt 03.06.1873, +New York, 25.12.1961). He won
the Nobel Prize in medicine in 1936 (together with Henry Hallet
Dale) for discovering the biochemical transmission of nerve
impulses. Loewi saved his live and the lives of his family members
after the "Anschluss" of Austria in 1938 only by leaving
the Nobel Prize money to Nazi regime. So, he and his family
were allowed to emigrate to the United States. From 1940, he
was professor at the College of Medicine of the New York University.
But there, Loewi was not able to continue his successful work
[5].
The second Nobel laureate was Felix Bloch (*Zuerich 23.10.1905,
+Zuerich 10.09.1983) who escaped from Nazi-Germany in 1933.
When he received the Nobel Prize in physics in 1952 (together
with Edward Mills Purcel) for his work on the magnetic moment
of neutrons (which was a most important step towards NMR), he
was already an American citizen. In Germany, before he emigrated,
he had been a well-known specialist for Ferro-magnetism (discovery
of the Bloch-Floquet-Theorem). He was offered a professorship
at Stanford University in 1934. There, he was able to continue
his successful scientific work which was crowned with the Nobel
Prize [6].
The third Nobel laureate I want to remind of was James Franck
(*Hamburg 26.08.1882, +Goettingen 21.05.1964). He won the Nobel
Prize in physics in 1925 (together with Gustav Hertz) for his
work on electrons and atoms. He emigrated to the United States
in 1933 and, though he worked in the Manhattan Project, he tried
to prevent the American Government from using the atom bomb.
He wrote a memorandum the Franck-Report in which he warned against
nuclear arms race. After world war two, he visited Goettingen
(Germany) from time to time. This was the place he had been
working at for many years before 1933. And there, he died during
such a visit in a hotel in 1964 [7].
Two members of the younger generation of scientists in exile,
Theodor W. Adorno (1903 1969) and Else Frenkel-Brunswik (1908
1958), will enable me to start tracing aspects of research on
conflict management and conflict resolution over time. Adorno
left Germany for England in 1934, and left England for the United
States in 1938. Else Frenkel-Brunswik left Austria and emigrated
to USA in 1938. One of the major points in their research interest
was how to predict behavior in conflict situations of national
importance. Their starting point in cooperation with R. Nevitt
Sanford and Daniel J. Levinson was the potentially fascistic
individual, one whose personality structure is such as to render
him particularly susceptible to anti-democratic propaganda.
Authoritarian
Personality Research
The
following questions were those, Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik and
coworkers' research [8] was designed to through some light on:
"If a potentially fascistic individual exists, what, precisely,
is he like? What goes to make up antidemocratic thought? What
are the organizing forces within the person? If such a person
exists, how commonly does he exist in our society? And if such
a person exists, what have been the determinants and what the
course of his development?" [8, p. 2].
The theories that have guided the research are complex and of
current interest. I expressly refer to the authors' book THE
AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY [8], published in 1950. In the following,
some points will be summarized to give an impression of their
ideas:
Adorno et al. have distinguished between stages of behavior
in conflict situations. Opinions, attitudes and values which
are expressed more or less openly in words are psychologically
"on the surface". "But there may be a discrepancy
between what a person says on a particular occasion and what
he really thinks. What he really thinks he can express in confidential
discussion with his intimates. It is to be recognized, however,
that the individual may have secret thoughts which he will under
no circumstances reveal to anyone else if he can help it; he
may have thoughts which he cannot admit to himself, and he may
have thoughts which he does not express because they are so
vague and ill-informed that he cannot put them into words. To
gain access to these deeper trends is particularly important,
for precisely here may lie the individuals' potential for democratic
or antidemocratic thought and action in crucial situations"
(p. 4).
On the assumption that what people say and, to a lesser degree,
what they really think depends very largely upon the climate
of opinion in which they are living, Adorno et al. [8] pointed
to the observation that, when the climate changes, some individuals
adapt themselves much more quickly than others. Individuals
differ in their susceptibility to antidemocratic propaganda
and in their readiness to exhibit antidemocratic tendencies.
If an individual is making antidemocratic propaganda or engaging
in overt attacks upon minority group members, it is usually
assumed that his opinions, attitudes, and values are congruent
with his action; but another individual may express antidemocratic
ideas verbally but does not put them into overt action. It is,
according to Adorno et al., a question of potentialities, and
people differ in these potentialities.
"What the individual consistently says in public, what
he says when he feels safe from criticism, what he thinks but
will not say at all, what he thinks but will not admit to himself,
what he is disposed to think or to do when various kinds of
appeal are made to him all these phenomena may be conceived
of as constituting a single structure. The structure may not
be integrated, it may contain contradictions as well as consistencies,
but it is organized in the sense that the constituent parts
are related in psychologically meaningful ways.
In order to understand such a structure, a theory of the total
personality is necessary... personality is a more or less enduring
organization of forces within the individual. These persisting
forces of personality help to determine response in various
situations, and it is thus largely to them that consistency
of behavior whether verbal or physical is attributable. But
behavior, however consistent, is not the same thing as personality;
personality lies behind behavior and within the individual.
The forces of personality are not responses but readiness for
responses..." [8 p. 5].
The task of diagnosing potential fascism and studying its determinants
required techniques especially designed for these purposes.
Two main approaches were used: The Questionnaire method,
and Clinical techniques.
Questionnaire
method consisted of
1) factual questions that had to do mainly with past and present
group memberships like church preference and attendance, political
party, vocation, income, and so on;
2) opinion-attitude scales which were used to obtain quantitative
estimates of certain surface ideological trends like anti-Semitism,
ethnocentrism, politico-economic conservatism. Later the scale
was developed for the measurement of antidemocratic tendencies
in the personality itself; and
3) projective (open answer) questions which presented subjects
with ambiguous and emotionally toned stimulus material [8, p.
13 16].
Clinical
techniques consisted of
1) the interview which was divided roughly into an ideologic
section and a clinical-genetic section. The method they have
chosen was relying on Freud; and
2) the Thematic Apperception Test which is a projective technique
in which the subject is presented with a series of dramatic
pictures and asked to tell a story about each of them.
The
interview material was used for estimation of certain common
variables lying within the theoretical framework of the study
but not accessible to the other techniques. Interview material
also provided the main basis for individual case studies, baring
upon the interrelationships among all the significant factors
operating within the antidemocratic individual [8, p 16, 17]
Results of their investigations with hundreds of people over
a period of more than a decade were complex, and it is beyond
the scope of this article to report them. Here I only want to
quote some sentences from their conclusions:
"The most crucial result of the present study, as it seems
to the authors, is the demonstration of close correspondence
in the type of approach and outlook a subject is likely to have
in a great variety of areas, ranging from intimate features
of family and sex adjustment through relationships to other
people in general, to religion and to social and political philosophy.
Thus a basically hierarchical, authoritarian, exploitive parent-child
relationship is apt to carry over into a power-oriented, exploitively
dependent attitude toward one's sex partner and one's God and
may well culminate in a political philosophy and social outlook,
which has no room for anything but a desperate clinging to what
appears to be strong and a disdainful rejection of whatever
is relegated to the bottom..."
Conventionality, rigidity, repressive denial, and the enduring
break-through of one's weakness, fear and dependency are, according
to Adorno et al., but other aspects of the same fundamental
pattern of the authoritarian personality, and they can be observed
in personal life as well as in attitudes towards religion and
social issues.
"On the other hand, there is a pattern characterized chiefly
by affectionate, basically equalitarian, and permissive interpersonal
relationships. This pattern encompasses attitudes within the
family and toward the opposite sex, as well as an internalization
of religious and social values. Greater flexibility and the
potentiality for more genuine satisfaction appear as results
of this basic attitude" [8, p. 971].
Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik and coworkers were convinced that considering
biological factors was not necessary to understand personality
and to explain and predict behavior, and they found their conception
of personality structure being the best safeguard against the
inclination to attribute persistent trends in the individual
to something "innate" or "basic" or "racial"
within him. "The Nazi allegation that natural biological
traits decide the total being of a person would not have been
such a successful political device had it not been possible
to point to numerous instances of relative fixity in human behavior
and to challenge those who thought to explain them on any basis
other than a biological one" [8, p. 6].
Cloninger's
psychobiological model of temperament and character
In
the eighties of the last century, more than a generation after
Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik and coworkers had sampled their data,
and after neuroscience had made essential progress, C. Robert
Cloninger from the Department of Psychiatry and Genetics at
Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis, Missouri,
started a series of publications on personality which explicitly
included biological factors. It was at the time when Donovan
[9] complained that, though hormones greatly influence behavior,
yet modern textbooks on personality may contain no reference
to the real world as represented by the endocrine system, or
to hormones the products of endocrine gland activity. This,
he stated, is remarkable, particularly when it is realized that
personality is taken to refer to the distinctive patterns of
behavior, including thoughts and emotions, that characterize
adaptation to the variety of situations that an individual might
encounter from day to day, and in which hormonal changes are
especially marked [9, p. 5].
Cloninger has proposed a psychobiological model of temperament
and character which includes four dimensions of temperaments
novelty seeking, harm avoidance, reward dependency, and persistence
and three dimensions of character self-directedness, cooperativeness,
and self-transcendence. In his model, these seven components
constitute human personality [10]. The dimensions of temperament
are defined as those components of personality that are heritable,
developmentally stable, emotionally based, uninfluenced by sociocultural
learning, and linked to specific brain biological features.
This was revealed by genetic, neurophysiological and neuroanatomical
studies.
Character dimensions develop in a stagelike manner from infancy
through adulthood. Transitions between levels of maturity in
character and social skills are nonlinear functions of temperament,
social learning, specific genetic factors and random life events
[1].
Originally, the model included three dimensions of temperament
novelty seeking, harm avoidance, and reward dependency, and
Cloninger's Three-dimensional Personality Questionnaire (TPQ)
is still extensively used in various areas including neurobiology,
psychiatry and psychology.
Gerra, Zaimovic, Timpano, Zambelli, Delsignore and Brambilla
[11] have summarized neurobiological outcome concerning Cloninger's
model as follows: Novelty seeking is a personality dimension
defined as a compulsive need for varied, novel and complex sensations
with the willingness to take physical and social risks for the
sake of such experience. According to Zuckerman [12], the sensitivity
to only emotional overstimulation seems to be due to a higher
arousal threshold. Mesolimbic and mesofrontal dopaminergic projections
might be involved in incentive activation of novelty seeking.
This trait could be genetically determined and, in particular,
could be associated with the DRD4*7R allele at the D4 dopamine
receptor locus [13] however see: [14]. Cloninger [13] and Ruegg
[15] found novelty seeking is positively correlated with density
of the dopamine transporter responsible for the presynaptic
reuptake of dopamine, higher levels of novelty seeking being
linked to reduced dopamine release from presynaptic neurons
and compensatory increased sensitivity of postsynaptic DA receptors.
Others [16] found, in addition, novelty seekers have high dopamine
and low serotonin functions. Gerra et al. [17] found positive
correlations between novelty seeking scores on Cloninger's Three-dimensional
Personality Questionnaire and norepinephrine, prolactin, and
testosterone baseline plasma levels in healthy subjects.
According to Gerra et al. [11], harm avoidance, or behavioral
inhibition, seems to be associated with serotonin function,
high harm avoidance scores being related to high serotonin release
from presynaptic neurons and with postsynaptic serotonin receptor
down-regulation. Alterations of serotonin transporter gene have
been found involved in the biological impairments underlying
harm avoidance alterations [15]. In their own study, challenging
the monoamine systems with agonists in healthy subjects, Gerra
et al. [11] showed a direct correlation of harm avoidance with
serotonin function.
Reward dependency is associated with the formation of conditioned
signals of reward. This temperament trait seems to be linked
to norepinephrine function; low levels of urinary 3-methoxy-4-hydroxy-phenylglycol
(MHPG) having been reported in subjects with high reward dependency,
while a supersensitivity of alpha-2-adrenoceptors, deriving
from decreased NE secretion, has been observed in low reward
dependency individuals, see [11]. Cloninger [1] has reported
reward dependency is positively correlated with the ability
of serotonin to stimulate the ritanserin-sensitive formation
of inositol monophosphate in platelets.
Bond [18], in a recent review article on neurotransmitters,
temperament and social functioning, found substantial evidence
now exists to support a psychobiological model as proposed by
Cloninger. However, specificity of his theory has not always
been confirmed.
Cloninger's research was concerned with clinical populations,
especially with alcoholics. This must be kept in mind when considering
his neurogenic model which describes behavior related to temperament
traits and character as follows:
- Novelty
seeking behavior can be looked at as lying between the
two extremes deliberate and impulsive with a clear direction
of impulsiveness with the tendency of the affected person
to be an adventurer, euphoria-seeking.
- Harm
avoidance behavior can be looked at as lying between being
cautious and risk-taking with a clear direction of being cautious
with the tendency to a worrier type, anxiety-prone.
-
Reward dependency behavior can be looked at as lying
between friendliness and aloofness with a clear direction
of friendliness, also with the tendency to a worrier-type,
anxiety-prone.
-
Character of the adventurer-type (novelty seeking behavior,
serotonergic deficit) is described as socially hostile, in
addition to uncooperativeness involving lack of empathy, social
tolerance, compassion, and moral principles.
- Character
of the worrier-type (harm avoidance and reward dependency
behavior, dopaminergic deficit)) is described as social dependent,
and being related to empathic and compassionate behavior with
high amount of cooperativeness in contrast to antisocial and
vengeful behavior with low level of cooperativeness in the
adventurer-type.
According
to Cloninger, the deficit in character and social skills has
been consistently associated with deficits in serotonergic neuroregulation,
including decreased availability of the serotonin precursor
tryptophan, reduced serotonin concentrations in platelets and
low cerebrospinal fluid levels of 5-hydroxyindoleacretic acid,
which is highly correlated with serotonin metabolite levels
in frontal neocortex. On the other hand, while low reward dependency
and impulsive-aggressive traits increase the risk of uncooperative
character, the correlation of uncooperativeness with any of
the temperamental antecedents is not strong [1, p. 624].
A
neurobiological approach to conflict management
From
the viewpoint of conflict management, Cloninger's [1] work on
the psychobiological regulation of social cooperation is especially
supporting the view that the "bio"-part of bio-psycho-socio-cultural
sources of human behavior should be included in theory and practice
of conflict behavior. Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik and coworkers'
warning against misusing biological findings should nevertheless
be kept in mind. If Cloninger's findings of a close relationship
of deficits in social skills to alterations in biochemical compounds
also applies for healthy subjects, measuring biological parameters
can be an important additional tool of knowledge for conflict
managers.
In traditional conflict management research and practice, the
personality construct is still considered a useful theoretical
approach [19, 20]. A neurobiological point of view, however,
seems to the present authors' knowledge non existant.
With respect to personality, Sandy, Boardman and Deutsch [19]
have reviewed the role of individual differences in personality
and their implications for understanding personal reaction and
behavior in conflict situations. They covered ideas relevant
to conflict from several non-biological theoretical approaches
psychodynamic, need, social learning, and situation-person-interaction.
The collected data were interpreted as indicating personality
theory and assessment enhances conflict resolution in practice.
Specific personality types frequently show similar problems
in conflict management, in their unconscious motivation, and
in the type of conflict resolution strategy they use to handle
conflict situation. Awareness of these patterns helps the conflict
resolution practitioner anticipate problems in the negotiation
process, intervene effectively, build better communication between
negotiating parties, and assist negotiators to a satisfactory
and lasting settlement. This knowledge helps the conflict resolution
practitioner uncover the driving forces behind certain locked
positions, such as inability to make or commit to an agreement.
Understanding personality needs may be a key factor in resolving
some supposedly intractable conflicts and in creating a stable,
long-term solution [19].
According to Cloninger's understanding of personality, i.e.,
temperament traits and character dimensions [1], one would like
to discover possible differences between novelty seekers and
subjects high in harm avoidance and high in reward dependency
with respect to conflict behavior. Are subjects high in reward
dependency more interested than novelty seekers in problem-solving
strategies to conflict solutions, i.e., do they pay more attention
to interests of both sides and do they use more often peaceful
strategies? Are there differences between the groups in the
use of language for conflict solutions? Are there differences
in the kind of conflicts they use to be confronted with? And
are there differences in frequency, level of difficulty and
duration of conflicts? And if differences between the three
groups exist, are biological parameters better indicators of
conflict behavior than are test scores on temperament scales?
These seem to be but some of the questions to be answered in
approaches that include the "bio" aspect to bio-psycho-socio-cultural
investigation of conflict behavior.
If we assume measurement of biological compounds can supply
the conflict manager with an additional tool of knowledge enhancing
his/her ability to understand and anticipate conflict behavior,
than he/she would need biological tests which could be applied
easily. But to this end there is a long way off. By now, the
results of studies on neurotransmitters, temperament and social
functioning [18] are still controversial. Cloninger's findings
[1], however, indicate that serotonin, dopamine and norepinephrine
might play a role. Measuring these compounds in exploratory
studies could serve as a starting point.
Natural sciences like physics and chemistry have traditionally
been intimately linked to conflict research and management as
have been social sciences; and memory of the Nobel laureate
and physicist James Franck in the introduction has already acknowledged
this. Future research will show whether neurobiology can serve
as combining these two scientific approaches to conflict behavior.
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